This modern notion that Americans have that the United
States is a single entity or one large nation is inconsistent with how
Americans understood their citizenship in the 18th and 19th centuries. If we
were to go back in time before the 1860s and ask a man from Virginia or New
York to which country they were a citizen of, they would have respond with
their respective State. When the Southern States seceded from the Union of
States, they did not combine to create a new country; the States were already
countries in their own rights and formed a confederacy, exactly like the
founders did when they created the Union to fought British tyranny.
Alexis de Tocqueville wrote about the state of the Union in
Democracy in America that
The
Union was formed by the voluntary agreement of the States; and in uniting together
they have not forfeited their nationality, nor have they been reduced to the
condition of one and the same people. If once of the states chooses to withdraw
for the compact, it would be difficult to disprove its right of doing so, and
the Federal Government would have no means of maintaining its claims directly
either by force or right. (Tocqueville 1945)
The Southern States declaring their independence and
reclaiming their sovereign rights was not a radical or revolutionary thought in
1860. There were no documents restricting or denying any state the right of
secession at that time and it was understood by Americans that secession was a right.
The very Declaration of Independence was a document declaring to the King of
England that the colonies were independent and free States.
We,
therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General
Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the
rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good
People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United
Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they
are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political
connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be
totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full
Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and
to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. (Jefferson n.d.)
When it was declared at a Special Convention of the
People of South Carolina “that the Union heretofore existing between this State
and the other States of North America, is dissolved and the State of South
Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate
and independent State; with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances,
establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent
States may or right do,” this declaration was not a radical idea. (Carolina 2008)
In fact, there were several instances prior to the War
Between the States when secession was threatened. Both the northern States and
southern States prior to 1860 felt at odds with the party in control of the Federal
Government at various times and threatened secession. Events such as the Louisiana
Purchase, the War of 1812, the annexation of Texas, and even the Mexican War
stirred up anti-Southern State sentiments among Northerners. All these issues
were considered to be in the best interest of the Southern States or in reality
the Democratic-Republican Party or Jeffersonians (also known as
Anti-Federalists as labeled by the Northerners).
With Thomas Jefferson’s purchase of the Louisiana
territory from France, many New England leaders felt that Jefferson overstepped
his authority as president and were contemplating secession from the Union. In
a letter to John C. Breckinridge on August 12, 1803, Jefferson had this to say
about secession:
“…Besides,
if it should become the great interest of those nations to separate from this,
if their happiness should depend on it so strongly as to induce them to go
through that convulsion, why should the Atlantic States dread it? But
especially why should we, their present inhabitants, take side in such a
question?…The future inhabitants of the Atlantic & Missipi [sic] States
will be our sons. We leave them in distinct but bordering establishments. We
think we see their happiness in their union, & we wish it. Events may prove
it otherwise; and if they see their interest in separation, why should we take
side with our Atlantic rather than our Missipi descendants? It is the elder and
the younger son differing. God bless them both, & keep them in union, if it
be for their good, but separate them, if it be better.” (Jefferson, Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826. Letters n.d.)
New Englanders were again upset when President James Madison
(a Jeffersonian) declared war against Great Britain on June 18, 1812 (the War
of 1812); they met in 1814 at the Hartford Convention to discuss secession. In
1832, with high tariffs causing economic difficulties among agrarian states,
South Carolina threatened to nullify the federal law or secede from the Union.
As early as 1825, the right of secession was also taught
at West Point as being acceptable. Textbooks on constitutional law referenced
William Rawle’s right of secession in his
book, View of the Constitution. Many of the generals who fought for the
Confederate States of America were educated at West Point and would have been
taught the following information about state sovereignty and secession in Rawle’s
book.
It
depends on the state itself to retain or abolish the principle of representation,
because it depends on itself whether it will continue a member of the Union. To
deny this right would be inconsistent with the principle of which all our
political systems are founded, which is, that the people have in all cases, a
right to determine how they will be governed.
This right must be considered as an
ingredient in the original composition of the general government, which, though
not expressed, was mutually understood…. (Rawle 1829)
Rawle continues in his book to explain how a state would
go about seceding from the Union.
The
secession of a state from the Union depends on the will of the people of such
state. The people alone as we have already seen, hold the power to alter their
constitution.
But in any manner by which a secession
is to take place, nothing is more certain than that the act should be
deliberate, clear, and unequivocal.
To withdraw from the Union is a
solemn, serious act. Whenever it may appear expedient to the people of a state,
it must be manifested in a direct and unequivocal manner. (Ibid, 302)
To
coerce the states is one of the maddest projects that was ever devised….What
picture does this idea present to our view? A complying state at war with a
non-complying state; Congress marching the troops of one state into the bosom
of another; this state collecting auxiliaries, and forming, perhaps, a majority
against its federal head. Here is a nation at war with itself. Can any
reasonable man be well disposed towards a government which makes war and
carnage the only means of supporting itself — a government that can exist only
by the sword? Every such war must involve the innocent with the guilty. This
single consideration should be sufficient to dispose every peaceable citizen
against such a government. (The Debates in the Convention of the State of New
York, on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution n.d.)
Regardless of the issues and the causes that brought the
States to war with each other, the States had a right to secede. When Lincoln
forced the Southern States back into the Union by buoyant point, he destroyed
any reality of a “Union” between the States. Lincoln imposed his will and philosophy
of a central government upon all the States. The Southern States opposed this
form of government and attempted to continue to run their State governments
based on the Constitution. The State’s lost their rights and their sovereignty
as a result of this war. Lincoln destroyed the Union with his actions and
created an Empire. He destroyed that very Union formed by our Founders and the
people of the States.
Works Cited
The
Debates in the Convention of the State of New York, on the Adoption of the
Federal Constitution. n.d.
http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ny.htm (accessed October 15, 2013).
Carolina,
Government of South. The Avalon Project. 2008. http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_scarsec.asp
(accessed October 15, 2013).
Ibid. "A View
of the Constitution." By William Rawle, 302. Philadelphia:
Philip H Nicklin, Law Bookseller, 1829.
Jefferson, Thomas. The
Charters of Freedom. n.d. http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/declaration_transcript.html
(accessed October 15, 2013).
—. Thomas
Jefferson, 1743-1826. Letters. n.d.
http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=JefLett.sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/parsed&tag=public&part=156&division=div1
(accessed October 15, 2013).
Rawle, William. In
A View of the Constitution, 296. Philadelphia: Philip H
Nicklin, Law Bookseller, 1829.
Tocqueville, Alexis
de. "Democracy in America." 381. New Rochelle: Arlington
House, 1945.
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